It is a remarkable picture. A single woman stands in the roadway, feet firmly planted. She poses no obvious threat.
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She is there to protest the excessive force which Baton Rouge police allegedly deploy against the city’s black citizens. She stands in front of police headquarters, on Saturday.
And she is being arrested by officers who look better prepared for a war than a peaceful protest.There are images that are impossible to forget, searing themselves into our collective consciousness. One man staring down a column of tanks in Tiananmen Square. A high school student attacked by police dogs in Birmingham, Alabama. This is such a photo.Once seen, it cannot be unseen.The Baton Rouge police department lists the virtues it seeks to instill in its officers. I wonder what these officers thought about as they hauled her away. ( Update: As explained below, there were multiple agencies on the scene; the officers in the picture were apparently Louisiana State Police.)We’re working to gather details about the moment it captures, to find her name. If you were there, or know her, please write to us: [email protected].
This story will be updated as we learn more. ( Update: Her name is reportedly Ieshia Evans; more details in the second update below.)Update: Thanks to the many readers who’ve written in to share what they know. Several have provided us with a name that we’re working to confirm.I also spoke with Jonathan Bachman, the New Orleans-based freelance photographer who snapped the photo for Reuters. He arrived in Baton Rouge on Thursday, and returned again on Saturday. I asked him to describe what he’d seen:A group of demonstrators had formed a blockade—blocked Airline Highway, which runs in front of Baton Rouge Police headquarters. So law enforcement came out, consisting of several departments within Louisiana they had come out in riot gear to clear the protestors off to the side of the road.
Updated at 10:05 p.m. ET on April 16, 2020.How many people have the coronavirus in the United States?
More than two months into the country’s outbreak, this remains the most important question for its people, schools, hospitals, and businesses. It is also still among the hardest to answer. At least 630,000 people nationwide now have test-confirmed cases of COVID-19, according to The Atlantic’s COVID Tracking Project, a state-by-state tally conducted by more than 100 volunteers and experts. But an overwhelming body of evidence shows that this is an undercount.Whenever U.S. Cities have tested a subset of the general population, such as or, they have found at least some infected people who aren’t showing symptoms. And, there has been a spike in the number of Americans dying at home across the country.
Those people may die of COVID-19 without ever entering the medical system, meaning that they never get tested. Updated at 11:50 a.m. ET on April 15, 2020.W hat a difference a few months can make.In January, the United States watched as the new coronavirus and reached American shores. In February, hindered by an and an administration that had, while the pandemic spread within its borders. In March, as the virus launched several simultaneous assaults on a, America finally sputtered into action, frantically closing offices, schools, and public spaces in a bid to cut off chains of transmission. Now, in April, as viral fevers surge through American hospitals and cabin fever grows in American homes, the U.S. Has cemented itself as the new center of the pandemic—the country that should have been more prepared than any other, but that now has the worst COVID-19 outbreak in the world.
B randon Hill’s parents met in the 1980s as common links in the rickety grocery-store supply chain. Both were packaged-goods wholesalers selling wares to the Price Chopper supermarket chain in Schenectady, New York. Hill’s mother trafficked in lunch meats; his father hawked aluminum foil. For a medium-size chain such as this, figuring out what to buy was a manual process. A couple of times a day in its stores, a floor worker would pull out a clipboard and walk the aisles. They’d look at how much Reynolds Wrap was left, or how many Oscar Mayer weiners, and mark it on paper. Then they would repeat that for every item in the store.Thirty-five years later, many grocery stores still work the same way.
Annually in America, “billions of dollars of food are transacted on sheets of matrix-printed paper,” says Hill, the CEO of the grocery-supply-chain-technology start-up Vori. A grocery store tends to get its goods from hundreds of separate vendors, many of which still communicate their offerings on printed catalogs dropped off by delivery workers or by sales reps such as Hill’s folks. Stock managers then can spend hours each week transmitting orders by phone or fax.
Imagine for a moment that the future is going to be even more stressful than the present. Maybe we don’t need to imagine this. You probably believe it. According to last year, 60 percent of American adults think that three decades from now, the U.S. Will be less powerful than it is today. Almost two-thirds say it will be even more divided politically.
Fifty-nine percent think the environment will be degraded. Nearly three-quarters say that the gap between the haves and have-nots will be wider. A plurality expect the average family’s standard of living to have declined. Most of us, presumably, have recently become acutely aware of the danger of global plagues.
The Forbidden CityOn November 8, 2017, Air Force One touched down in Beijing, marking the start of a state visit hosted by China’s president and Communist Party chairman, Xi Jinping. From my first day on the job as President Donald Trump’s national security adviser, China had been a top priority. The country figured prominently in what President Barack Obama had identified for his successor as the biggest immediate problem the new administration would face—what to do about North Korea’s nuclear and missile programs. But many other questions about the nature and future of the relationship between China and the United States had also emerged, reflecting China’s fundamentally different perception of the world. With new cinema releases in response to the spread of the coronavirus, I’ve used these weeks of self-quarantine to cast an eye backward over the, to, and to fill in. Now I’ve begun evaluating films that, for whatever reason, didn’t get a fair shake when they were released.
Some were blasted by critics, and others simply made no impression at the box office; all of them are available to watch online, just waiting to become cult classics. The 30 films I’ve chosen as the most underrated are all from the past 25 years, and many belong to genres (rom-com, sci-fi, thriller) that are overlooked in serious critical circles. Some of my selections might seem obvious and others ludicrous, but all were made in the spirit of enjoyable debate and discovery. T hree months ago, no one knew that SARS-CoV-2 existed. Now the virus has spread to almost every country, infecting at least 446,000 people whom we know about, and many more whom we do not. It has crashed economies and broken health-care systems, filled hospitals and emptied public spaces.
It has separated people from their workplaces and their friends. It has disrupted modern society on a scale that most living people have never witnessed.
Soon, most everyone in the United States will know someone who has been infected. Like World War II or the 9/11 attacks, this pandemic has already imprinted itself upon the nation’s psyche.To hear more feature stories,A global pandemic of this scale was inevitable. In recent years, hundreds of health experts have written books, white papers, and op-eds warning of the possibility.
Bill Gates has been telling anyone who would listen, including the. In 2018, arguing that America was not ready for the pandemic that would eventually come. In October, the Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security if a new coronavirus swept the globe. And then one did. Hypotheticals became reality. “What if?” became “Now what?”. I f, as per Baudelaire, the greatest trick the devil played was convincing the world that he didn’t exist, the irony of Phyllis Schlafly’s legacy is that she undermined women so efficiently that her pernicious influence on American politics hasn’t gotten the credit it deserves.
During the 1970s, Schlafly was camera-ready pith in pearls and a pie-frill collar, a troll long before the term existed, who’d begin public speeches by thanking her husband for letting her attend, because she knew how much it riled her feminist detractors. Armed only with a newsletter and a seeming immunity to shame, Schlafly took a popular bipartisan piece of legislation—the Equal Rights Amendment, which affirms men and women as equal citizens under the law—and whipped it up into a culture war as deftly as if she were making dessert. O n Sunday, April 5, Frank Scott, Jr., the mayor of Little Rock, Arkansas, finally found a moment to rest. Then he received a call from his police chief, Keith Humphrey.Dozens of cars had lined up on Asher Avenue, a busy thoroughfare in the city.
Residents and out-of-towners were standing shoulder to shoulder to watch drag races. Drivers peeled out, forming clouds of smoke. Muscle cars drifted and spun donuts in the parking lot of a local gym, leaving looping skid marks on the asphalt. On social media, the afternoon came to be known as the “coronavirus parade.” The event wasn’t what Scott had feared would happen over the weekend; it was worse. When, in January 2016, I that despite being a lifelong Republican who worked in the previous three GOP administrations, I would never vote for Donald Trump, even though his administration would align much more with my policy views than a Hillary Clinton presidency would, a lot of my Republican friends were befuddled. How could I not vote for a person who checked far more of my policy boxes than his opponent?What I explained then, and what I have said many times since, is that Trump is fundamentally unfit—intellectually, morally, temperamentally, and psychologically—for office. For me, that is the paramount consideration in electing a president, in part because at some point it’s reasonable to expect that a president will face an unexpected crisis—and at that point, the president’s judgment and discernment, his character and leadership ability, will really matter.
Updated at 10:05 p.m. ET on April 16, 2020.How many people have the coronavirus in the United States? More than two months into the country’s outbreak, this remains the most important question for its people, schools, hospitals, and businesses. It is also still among the hardest to answer.
At least 630,000 people nationwide now have test-confirmed cases of COVID-19, according to The Atlantic’s COVID Tracking Project, a state-by-state tally conducted by more than 100 volunteers and experts. But an overwhelming body of evidence shows that this is an undercount.Whenever U.S. Cities have tested a subset of the general population, such as or, they have found at least some infected people who aren’t showing symptoms. And, there has been a spike in the number of Americans dying at home across the country. Those people may die of COVID-19 without ever entering the medical system, meaning that they never get tested.
Updated at 11:50 a.m. ET on April 15, 2020.W hat a difference a few months can make.In January, the United States watched as the new coronavirus and reached American shores. In February, hindered by an and an administration that had, while the pandemic spread within its borders. In March, as the virus launched several simultaneous assaults on a, America finally sputtered into action, frantically closing offices, schools, and public spaces in a bid to cut off chains of transmission. Now, in April, as viral fevers surge through American hospitals and cabin fever grows in American homes, the U.S.
Has cemented itself as the new center of the pandemic—the country that should have been more prepared than any other, but that now has the worst COVID-19 outbreak in the world. B randon Hill’s parents met in the 1980s as common links in the rickety grocery-store supply chain. Both were packaged-goods wholesalers selling wares to the Price Chopper supermarket chain in Schenectady, New York. Hill’s mother trafficked in lunch meats; his father hawked aluminum foil. For a medium-size chain such as this, figuring out what to buy was a manual process. A couple of times a day in its stores, a floor worker would pull out a clipboard and walk the aisles.
They’d look at how much Reynolds Wrap was left, or how many Oscar Mayer weiners, and mark it on paper. Then they would repeat that for every item in the store.Thirty-five years later, many grocery stores still work the same way. Annually in America, “billions of dollars of food are transacted on sheets of matrix-printed paper,” says Hill, the CEO of the grocery-supply-chain-technology start-up Vori. A grocery store tends to get its goods from hundreds of separate vendors, many of which still communicate their offerings on printed catalogs dropped off by delivery workers or by sales reps such as Hill’s folks.
Stock managers then can spend hours each week transmitting orders by phone or fax. Imagine for a moment that the future is going to be even more stressful than the present. Maybe we don’t need to imagine this.
You probably believe it. According to last year, 60 percent of American adults think that three decades from now, the U.S.
Will be less powerful than it is today. Almost two-thirds say it will be even more divided politically. Fifty-nine percent think the environment will be degraded. Nearly three-quarters say that the gap between the haves and have-nots will be wider. A plurality expect the average family’s standard of living to have declined.
Most of us, presumably, have recently become acutely aware of the danger of global plagues. The Forbidden CityOn November 8, 2017, Air Force One touched down in Beijing, marking the start of a state visit hosted by China’s president and Communist Party chairman, Xi Jinping. From my first day on the job as President Donald Trump’s national security adviser, China had been a top priority. The country figured prominently in what President Barack Obama had identified for his successor as the biggest immediate problem the new administration would face—what to do about North Korea’s nuclear and missile programs. But many other questions about the nature and future of the relationship between China and the United States had also emerged, reflecting China’s fundamentally different perception of the world. With new cinema releases in response to the spread of the coronavirus, I’ve used these weeks of self-quarantine to cast an eye backward over the, to, and to fill in. Now I’ve begun evaluating films that, for whatever reason, didn’t get a fair shake when they were released.
Some were blasted by critics, and others simply made no impression at the box office; all of them are available to watch online, just waiting to become cult classics. The 30 films I’ve chosen as the most underrated are all from the past 25 years, and many belong to genres (rom-com, sci-fi, thriller) that are overlooked in serious critical circles. Some of my selections might seem obvious and others ludicrous, but all were made in the spirit of enjoyable debate and discovery. T hree months ago, no one knew that SARS-CoV-2 existed. Now the virus has spread to almost every country, infecting at least 446,000 people whom we know about, and many more whom we do not. It has crashed economies and broken health-care systems, filled hospitals and emptied public spaces.
It has separated people from their workplaces and their friends. It has disrupted modern society on a scale that most living people have never witnessed. Soon, most everyone in the United States will know someone who has been infected. Like World War II or the 9/11 attacks, this pandemic has already imprinted itself upon the nation’s psyche.To hear more feature stories,A global pandemic of this scale was inevitable. In recent years, hundreds of health experts have written books, white papers, and op-eds warning of the possibility. Bill Gates has been telling anyone who would listen, including the.
In 2018, arguing that America was not ready for the pandemic that would eventually come. In October, the Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security if a new coronavirus swept the globe. And then one did. Hypotheticals became reality. “What if?” became “Now what?”. I f, as per Baudelaire, the greatest trick the devil played was convincing the world that he didn’t exist, the irony of Phyllis Schlafly’s legacy is that she undermined women so efficiently that her pernicious influence on American politics hasn’t gotten the credit it deserves.
During the 1970s, Schlafly was camera-ready pith in pearls and a pie-frill collar, a troll long before the term existed, who’d begin public speeches by thanking her husband for letting her attend, because she knew how much it riled her feminist detractors. Armed only with a newsletter and a seeming immunity to shame, Schlafly took a popular bipartisan piece of legislation—the Equal Rights Amendment, which affirms men and women as equal citizens under the law—and whipped it up into a culture war as deftly as if she were making dessert. O n Sunday, April 5, Frank Scott, Jr., the mayor of Little Rock, Arkansas, finally found a moment to rest. Then he received a call from his police chief, Keith Humphrey.Dozens of cars had lined up on Asher Avenue, a busy thoroughfare in the city. Residents and out-of-towners were standing shoulder to shoulder to watch drag races. Drivers peeled out, forming clouds of smoke. Muscle cars drifted and spun donuts in the parking lot of a local gym, leaving looping skid marks on the asphalt.
On social media, the afternoon came to be known as the “coronavirus parade.” The event wasn’t what Scott had feared would happen over the weekend; it was worse. When, in January 2016, I that despite being a lifelong Republican who worked in the previous three GOP administrations, I would never vote for Donald Trump, even though his administration would align much more with my policy views than a Hillary Clinton presidency would, a lot of my Republican friends were befuddled. How could I not vote for a person who checked far more of my policy boxes than his opponent?What I explained then, and what I have said many times since, is that Trump is fundamentally unfit—intellectually, morally, temperamentally, and psychologically—for office. For me, that is the paramount consideration in electing a president, in part because at some point it’s reasonable to expect that a president will face an unexpected crisis—and at that point, the president’s judgment and discernment, his character and leadership ability, will really matter.
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